Simranjit Singh Mann MP
President Shrimoni Akali Dal
11/4/90
Mr Chairman,
Sir, I am grateful to you for extending me the invitation to attend the deliberations of this August body. Having been denied access to the Parliament, and not consulted by you, Sir, or any of your colleagues before plunging Punjab on its present course, following the extension of President’s rule, it is a bit ironic that my thoughts on the subject of national integration are now being considered weighty enough to merit my being invited here.
Conceptually India is union of states. However, the policies of successive union Governments particularly on Punjab has created disunion. Though Punjab has many demands and has suffered many injustices. I will confine myself to national integration which is todays agenda.
India is a nation of cultural, religious and regional plurality. Diverse people were united by the freedom movement with the declared objective of securing democratic and federal Governments based on universal franchise. Peace and harmony depend on cherishing and protecting this solemn covenant. However, the repeated violation of democratic and federal Institutions by our union Governments is the principle reason for the violence, unrest and uncertainty facing our nation. I shall highlight in my speech the destruction of democracy in Punjab, the principle cause of unrest in the state.
The three pillars of democracy are elections, human-rights and equitable laws. When even one of these principles in violated the consequences are serious. This is the clear lesson of history which the union Government ignored when framing its Punjab policy.
Obviously, elections are the most fundamental part of our political system. Elections can only be postponed if there is a grave emergency and even then reluctantly. Yet Punjab has been without an elected Government for five years in the last decade. The question arises; Does Punjab face an emergency so grave that elections, the very lifeline of our political system, should be suspended?
In December Punjab had a peaceful poll with a large vote turnout. Subsequently the Prime Minister with nominal security, his cabinet colleagues, political leaders of various national and reioned Parties have been addressing rallies in the state. Central and State Tax revenues have increased. Travel, business and social activity is widespread. Only yesterday our parties call for a total bandh was a complete success without any violence even though the Government arrested our workers and provoked us.
Certainly there has been violence and population migration. This has been caused by the suppression of democracy. The situation though in need of improvement definitely does not warrant suspension of elections.
Yesterday I tried to do some research into circumstances which led to the postponement of elections in America and Britain two nations which have largely inspired our political and legal system. America has never postponed elections even during wartime. Infect during the civil war when (I quote) “the heavy casualties reported from the battle fields shocked and horrified people on the home front President Lincoln pointed out, we cannot have free Government without elections, and if the rebellion could force us to forgo or postpone national elections, it might fairly claim to have already conquered and ruined us”.
Britain suspended elections only during the world wars which involved the entire population. In spite of the vast destruction and heavy casualties elections followed soon after the wars ended. Even during wars Great Britain had a cabinet system of Government, responsible to parliament. Rule of law was not abrogated.
In India elections were suspended during the 1975 emergency which is still remembered with revulsion. Otherwise only Punjab has had elections postponed four times through various constitutional Amendments. This broadly sums up the suspension of elections in Britain, America and free India in a period of two centuries.
We are told that Punjab elections have been postponed because of violence in Abohar and some other places, notwithstanding the fact that more people died by violence in Bahagalpur in a week than in Punjab in over a year. Thus the Indian state has adopted the principle that elections are no longer the most fundamental political right but are hostage to any vested interest who can organize killings. This policy is bound to attract violence not harmony.
Thus in Punjab the inherent right of the electorate to choose its government and control the destiny of the state stands transferred to a nexus of the executive, corrupt businessmen and politicians without a base in the state and such forces which have only malice against the Sikhs in the state. The clear signals we received from this nexus is that elections will only be held if the Punjab Electorate is prepared to vote accordingly to their wishes.
Public anger against such policies is suppressed by the passage of the most draconian laws and ruthless destruction of human rights. Let me make a comparison with an event from our past; Mahatma Gandhi said the protest against the Rowlatt Acts of 1919 which gave special power of detention (I quote) “is probably the most momentous in the history of India”. So highly did the Mahatma evaluate human rights. The protest against these Black laws led to the massacre at Jallian Walan which doomed the British Empire.
Our Hon. Prime Minister is visiting Jallianwalla to pay homage day after. He should ponder that in free India laws like the 59th Amendment which virtually ended the rights of life and liberty of the citizens of Punjab are more draconian than any legislation by Imperial Britain. Even if the 59th Amendment stands repealed the bullet for bullet policy it symbolized survives. Officers like I. Alam the former S.S.P. of Amritsar who stated in a public rally that “terrorists who had committed five or more than five murders were killed by the police after they were caught” continue to be the judges, jury, investigators and executioners.
It is the contention of my party that the rise and expansion of Sikh militancy in Punjab is a direct response to state terrorism which began during the rule of the late Darbara Singh. Let me illustrate with Ray, Ribeiro and present D.G.P. K.P.S. Gill whose tenure in Punjab began almost simultaneously in 1986 when the present militancy was in its infancy. on arrival Mr. Ribeiro stated there were 80 active terrorists, who would be dealt with by “bullet for bullet”. This escalated violence thus a year later President’s Rule was declared in Punjab. Mr Ribeiro had demanded military powers and was made D.G.P. / Special Secretary Home Law and Order, a fusion of civil and police authority not permitted even by the British. Two weeks after President’s Rule, accompanied by one thousand arrests, Mr. Ribeiro declared (May 25, 1987) that there were only 100 armed terrorists left in Punjab, yet in three years since according to Government statistics over, 10,000 militants have been detained or killed.
In February 1988 a batch of 20 I.P.S. probationers attached to District Gurdaspur found (I quote) “that at least 90 percent people were alienated from the Government”. Border I.G. Chaman Lal resigned complaining that D.G.P. Gill was not happy at his style of functioning (I quote) “He wanted me to let loose repression after the train shooting near Tarn Taran in September! Finally Mr Rabeiro before leaving Punjab stated that he has ordered a halt to undercover operations because members of these underground squads indulged in looting and extortion of money”. No wonder people are totally alienated from this police rule.
Punjab has precipitate one of the highest Police deployments in the world. The executive – police has a free hand and absolute powers; does the Government really believe that this apparatus which has failed miserably to restore normalcy over the last four years can achieve results in the future? Yet it continues to retain and reward officials who have grossly violated national and international law and looted Punjab. Naturally there is great resentment in the state where thousands of citizens are in detention without trial, thousands are brutally tortured and thousands have disappeared. This can hardly be the policy for prom ting peace and national integration.
Police rule in Punjab is protected by the policy of a free hand to the police-executive. This means the police is free from any accountability to law and rules of service. The very concept of democracy is a Government by checks and balances. Therefore, when there is rule by executive decree after suspending the legislature a close check on the administration is doubly necessary to avoid excesses.
Therefore, those responsible leaders who have demanded a free hand for Government Jagmohan or more powers for the Punjab Police etc. have made two fatal errors; they virtually amended the constitution by creating a system of authority free of constitutional restraints. This is a certain road to fascism, dictatorship or anarchy. Secondly, they have created a system of inequality. While a free hand to Mr Jagmohan is advocated, a similar right is denied to Mr Chautala or Maulayam Singh Yadav. Police action is viewed selectively. If the Punjab police shoots a farmer it is lawful. If the same police fires on an urban mob outrage is expressed by the same political parties which want a tree hand for the police.
Ours is a Young democracy which must learn from the experiences of other nations and events in history which if ignored tend to be repeated. After the Reichstag Fire, Hitler was able to secure a free hand to deal with the threat to Germany from subversives. Later Ribbentrop the German Ambassador told Churchill that all Hitler wanted was a free hand in Central Europe. The free hand led to the gas chambers and the world war. Free India took birth on the ashes of the fascist dictatorships. Today India’s sons are condemning this nation to totalitarianism and turnmoil we are already witnessing this in Punjab where the policy of “a free hand” to Ray and Rebiro ‘or’ more powers to the police took birth. No wonder all national parties who have adopted this path have lost relevance in Punjab.
Moreover, the policy of tempering with the laws for political expediency has had far reaching consequences which have gone unnoticed. The state condemn a section of Sikhs Militants for declaring that Punjab is a separate legal entity from India. But every Amendment of the Constitution for special application in Punjab had Constitutionally partitioned Punjab from India. Today the 65th Amendment suggests that different set of laws and political systems apply to Punjab and the rest of India. Is this the road to national integration or disintegration?
As a logical sequel to this legal anarchy the system of federalism has been greatly eroded. India by its very size, population and history can only flourish and have harmony by a large measure of decentralization from the centre to the states and from the state capitals to the ordinary citizens. Today the centralized political and economic systems of Eastern Europe are collapsing. Instead of anticipating similar problems in our own nation by rectifying our system within the framework of the constitution, our policy is one of increasing central control and interference from Delhi. This is against the spirit of the times.
I do not wish to raise controversy. But does not Punjab have the appearance of a colonial state today? Our present Governor and his predecessor are isolated from the public. Massive Semi-Military forces controlled by Delhi are crushing the civil liberties of the citizens. A council of leaders nominated by Delhi is to advise the Governor and his nominated official advisors while the vast majority of the population has no voice in the affairs of the state. A minority in the state in collusion with venal officials who betrayed the interests of Punjab and various forces outside Punjab have total control of the state. This has not only led to great resentment in Punjab but has legitimized the demand for Anand Pur Sahib Resolution (1973) as the only way to safeguard the constitutional rights of their citizens.
In the ultimate context Delhi’s policy in Punjab, the transparent objective of silencing the genuine constitutional demands of the people has had some major effects with far reaching consequences (a) It has erroded the safe guards in the constitution creating an administrative system outside the framework of law. (b) This by its very nature has made the intelligence agencies and the executive paramount reducing the office of the Prime Minister from one of the policy makers to a helpless spectator reacting to events. (c) It has alienated th&8 people of Punjab from the national mainstream. (d) It has reduced the sanctity of our democracy. There should be no doubt that laws framed against Punjabis will one day be used in other states. Therefore, the danger of fascism is great. (e) This in turn will lead to the very anarchy and violence the laws framed for Punjab are to prevent.
Instead of giving lengthy suggestions, I will reiterate that the best course for national integration and peace is to firmly resolve that the democratic Institutions and the federal system should be firmly evolved and protected at all costs and in all situations. A nation is not strong by its armed might but commitment’ to principles. Duplicity is bad politics and bad policy. Indian armed forces have conducted elections in Namibia and Sri Lanka. Our leaders hailed elections in Pakistan. Our leaders signed memorandums and passed resolutions demanding an elected Government for Nepal. Yet these same leaders want Punjab and their own citizens to be ruled by executive decree and nominated councils they have condemned in other nations.
In 1931, while addressing a congregation of Sikhs at Gurdwara Sis Ganj in Delhi, Mahatma Gandhi said (young India March 1931) “I ask you to accept my word and the resolution of the congress that it will not betray a single individual much less a community. If it ever thinks of doing to, it would only hasten to its own doom ….. I pray you to unbosom yourself of all doubts and apprehensions. Let God be the witness to the bond that binds me and congress to you. I venture to suggest that the nonviolence creed of the congress is the surest guarantee of good faith, and our Sikh friends have no reason to fear that it would betray them. For the moment it does so, the congress would not only here by sseal its own doom but that of the country too. Moreover, the Sikhs are a brave people. They know how to safeguard their rights by the exercise of arms if it should ever come to that”.
I carry a sheaf of papers containing the promises made by the national leaders to the Sikhs during the freedom struggle. I will not repeat them today nor exercise arms as these pledges have been violated, nor will I confront the leaders present in the house with a record of their promises and declarations on Punjab and the Sikhs. I have placed on record of the national integration council some of the beliefs, sufferings of the people of Punjab and their betrayal by those outside the state who have professed faith in democracy. I have read in the newspapers dark hints by Police D.G.P. Gill that I and my associates may be soon be detained. In Punjab detention often means liquidation. Therefore to paraphrase Socrates ‘ the hour of departure may have arrived and we go our ways – I perhaps to die and you to live. Which is better God alone knows.
Thank you.
Simranjit Singh Mann
