ISLAMABAD : Opposition lea der Benazir Bhutto’s campaign for Political reform and new elections, put on hold by month-long Mosous Observances, it about to burst back on to the Pakistan Political scene with the end of Ramadan fasting early this week.

While the past weeks of fasting have left an impression of calm after the mass rallies that marked Bhutto’s return from two years of self-exile in London, both she and President Mohammad Zia-ul-Haq have been busily preparing for what could be a decisive second round.

Gen, Zia, who ruled Pakistan by martial law for nearly a decade until last December, made it clear in a May 28 address to Parliament he had no intention of giving way to the 33-year-old Bhutto’s demands for free elections by October.

“We will neither allow our nine years of hard work to go to waste, nor will we permit power-hungry elements and foreign agents to prematurely impose themselves on the people of Pakistan,” he said.

Bhutto has been preparing her next moves following a pre-Ramadan tour that electrified the country, drawing unprecedented crowds to rallies in all four provinces,

The “pro-democracy march” will resume in Punjab, she said in an interview Thursday, predicting a “more than adequate response” across Pakistan,

Much of her appeal stems from memories of her father, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who was overthrown by Zia in July 1977 and hanged two years later.

Inevitably, comparisons are drawn with Corazon Aquino, who came to power this year in the movement following the murder of her husband, opposition leader Benigno Aquino,

Political analysts believe four main factors will determine whether Bhutto is able to topple Zia, who last year claimed additional Powers and a new five-year mandate following a referendum denounced as fraudulent by opposition parties.

Those factors are Bhutto’s skill in mobilizing and controlling the public, her ability to neutralize Opposition from the army, the reaction of the United States and the condition of the economy.

During her mass campaign in April, Bhutto amply demonstrated her backing the streets.

In preparing for the new campaign, she has already dumped many stalwarts of her father’s Pakistan People’s Party, replacing them with young activists who suffered jail and other abuses under martial law.

These “doves of democracy,” as she terms the activists, “will carry ‘out their pro-democracy missions in absolutely a peaceful and disciplined manner,” she said.

But in a move that hints at civil disobedience, the “doves” have been urged to form defense committee to help any supporters who run into legal difficulties.

In her speeches, Bhutto has restricted her criticism to Zia himself, avoiding attacks on the military, which he heads, by saying she wants to “restore the sanctity of the army uniform by sending the armed forces back to the barracks.”

In an apparent bid to isolate Zia from his own forces, she has repeatedly asked if he could not find a single general he could trust to take over as army commander.

Despite a socialist bent to her the topic, Bhutto has taken pains to the United States, which has wielded immense influence since becoming politically and economically involved in Pakistan in the mid-1950.

She has been cautious in remarks about Zia’s strong stand against the Soviet presence in neighboring Afghanistan and reluctant to citizen U.S. aid, which is oriented largely to defense.

“I am not opposed to (American) aid in principle so long as it is for the people of Pakistan,” she told one questioner.

In another interview, she said the Soviet move into Afghanistan “led to a heightened American interest in Pakistan, which in turn Jed to aggravation of relations with India and general instability. I ‘would like to see this region free from external pressures.”

Bhutto recently hosted a dinner for Rep. Stephen J. Solarz, DN,Y.., to explain her program to the powerful New York Democrat who heads the House subcommittee dealing with Asian and Pacific affairs,

The strongest card in Zia’s hand is the economy, which is generally buoyant as a result of oil-generated prosperity in the Islamic world and massive US assistance, amounting to $3.2 billion already received and $4.02 billion to ‘come under a six-year agreement,

Article extracted from this publication >> May 30, 1986