far to seek. The people of this country were eager and vehement in their opposition to Pakistan. But Gandhiji played false with the people and gave parts of the country to the Muslims for the creation of Pakistan. I stoutly maintain that Gandhiji in doing so has failed in his duty which was incumbent upon him to carry out, as the father of the nation. He has proved to be the father of Pakistan. It was for this reason alone that I as a dutiful son of Mother India thought it my duty to put an end to the life of the so-called father of the nation who, had played a very prominent part in bringing about the vivisection of the country – Our Motherland. The case of Hyderabad has also the same history. It is not at all necessary to refer to the atrocity misdeeds ‘ perpetrated by the Nizam’s Ministers and the Razakars. Laik Ali the Prime Minister of Hyderabad had an interview with Gandhiji during the last week of January 1948. It was evident from the manner in which Gandhiji looked at these Hyderabad affairs, that Gandhiji would soon start his experiments of non-violence in the State of Hyderabad and treat Kasim Razavi as his adopted son just as Suhrawardy. It was not at all difficult to see that it was impossible for the Government inspite of all its powers to take any strong measures against the Muslim State like Hyderabad so long as Gandhiji was there. Had the Government then decided to take any military or Police action against Hyderabad it would have been compelled to withdraw its decision just as was done in the case of the payment of Rs.55 crores, for Gandhiji would have gone on fast unto death and Government’s hands would have been forced to save the life of Gandhiji. The practice of non-violence according to Gandhiji is to endure or put up with the blows of the aggressor without showing any resistance either by weapon or by physical force. Gandhiji has, while describing his non-violence, given the example of a “a tiger becoming a follower of the creed of non-violence after the cows allowed themselves to be killed and swallowed in such large numbers that the tiger ultimately got tired of killing them”. It will be remembered that at Kanpur, Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi fell a victim to the murderous assault by the Muslims of the place on him. Gandhiji has often cited his submission to the Muslim blows as an ideal example of embracing death for the creed of non-violence.
I firmly believed and believe that the non-violence of the type described above will lead the nation to ruin and make it easy for Pakistanis to enter the remaining India and occupy the same.
Briefly speaking I thought to myself and foresaw that shall be-totally ruined and the only thing that I could expect from the people would be nothing but hatred and that I shall have lost all my honour even more valuable than my life, if I were to kill Gandhiji. But at the same time I felt that the Indian politics in the absence of Gandhiji would surely be practical, able to retaliate, and would be powerful with armed forces. No doubt my own future would be totally ruined but the nation would be saved from the inroads of Pakistan. People may even call me and dub me as devoid of any sense or foolish, but the nation would be free to follow the course founded on reason which I consider to be necessary for sound nation-building. After having fully considered the question, I took the final decision in the matter but I did not speak about it to any one whatsoever. I took courage in my both hands and I did fire the shots at Gandhiji on 30th January 1948 on the prayer grounds in Birla House.
There now remains hardly anything for me to say. If devotion to one’s country amounts to a sin, I admit I have committed that sin. If it is meritorious, I humbly claim the merit thereof. I fully and confidently believe that if there be any other court of justice beyond the one founded by the mortals, my lot will not be taken as unjust. If after the death there be no such place to reach or to go to, there is nothing to be said. I have resorted to the action I did purely for the benefit of the humanity. I do say that my shots were fired at the person whose policy and action had brought rack and ruin and destruction to lacs of Hindus.
Really speaking, my life also came to an end simultaneously with the shots fired by me at Gandhiji. Since then I have been passing my days as if in trance and meditation. Whatever I have seen and observed during this time has given me complete satisfaction.
The problem of the State of Hyderabad which had been unnecessarily delayed and postponed has been rightly solved by our Government, by the use of armed force after the demise of Gandhiji.
The present Government of the remaining India is seen taking the course of practical politics, The Home Member is said to have expressed the view that the nation must be possessed of armies fully equipped with modern arms and fighting machinery. While giving out such expressions he does say that such a step would be in keeping with the ideals of Gandhiji. He may say so for his satisfaction. But one must not forget that if that were so there would be no difference in the means for the protection of the country devised by Hitler, Mussolini or Churchill or Roosevelt, and the scheme based on non-violence as envisaged by Gandhiji. It would then be impossible to say that there was any new and special message of non-violence of Gandhiji.
I am prepared to concede that Gandhiji did undergo sufferings for the sake of the nation. He did bring about an awakening in the minds of the people. He also did nothing for personal gain but it pains me to say that he was not honest enough to acknowledge the defeat and failure of the principle of non-violence on all sides. I have read the lives of other intelligent and powerful Indian patriots who have made sacrifices even greater than those done by Gandhiji. I have even seen personally some of them. But whatever that may be, I shall bow in respect to the service done by Gandhiji to the country, and to Gandhiji himself for the said service, and before I fired the shots I actually wished him and bowed to him in reverence. But I do maintain that even this servant of the country had no right to vivisect the country – the image of our worship – by deceiving the people. But he did it all the same. There was no legal machinery by which such an offender could be brought to book and it was therefore that I resorted to the firing of shots at Gandhiji as that was the only meet thing to do.
Had this act not been done by me, of course it would have been better for me. But circumstances were beyond my control. So strong was the impulse of my mind that I felt that this man should not be allowed to meet a natural death so that the world may know that he had to pay the penalty of his life for his unjust, anti-national and dangerous favoritism towards a fanatical section of the country. I decided to put an end to this matter and to further masacre of lass of Hindus for no fault of theirs. May God now pardon him for his egoistic nature which proved to be too disastrous for the beloved sons of this Holy land.
I bear no or enmity towards anyone individual. To do I think that any person is inimical towards me personally. I do say that I had no respect for the present Government owing to their policy which was unfairly favourable towards the Muslims. But at the same time I could. clearly see that that policy was entirely due to the pressure of Gandhiji in that behalf. But in the absence of such pressure, the way is now open for the establishment of a secular State in the true sense of that word. I have to say with great regret that the Honible Grime Minister Pandit Nehruji quite forgets that his actions and deeds are at times opposed to each other, when he talks about secular State in season and out of season; because it is significant to note that the Honble Pandit Nehruji has himself taken a leading part in acquiescing to the establishment of Pakistan, a theocratic State. But he should have realised that it will never bring prosperity to Indian Union with a State founded on fanatically blind religious faith and basis by its side. After having considered absolutely to myself, my mind impelled me to take the action against Gandhiji. No one has brought and could being any pressure on me in this act of mine.
The Honorable Court may take any view in regard to the impulse my mind received and the action I did thereunder and may pass against me such orders of sentence as may be proper. I have no desire.to say anything about it. I do not desire any mercy.to be shown to me. I do not also wish that anyone on my behalf should beg for mercy towards me. Several persons are arraigned along with me in this trial as conspirators. I have already said that in the act I did, I had no companions and I alone a solely responsible for my act. Had they not been arraigned with me I would not have even given any defence for me as would be clear from the fact that I desired and enjoined upon my counsel not to cross-examine any of the witnesses connected with the incident of the 30th of January 1948. I have already made it clear that personally I had never accepted the idea of peaceful demonstration even on 20th January 1948 even for effective propaganda. However I agreed to join this peaceful demonstration in the prayer meeting of Gandhiji, though with great reluctance. But as luck would have it I could not take part in it. And when I found that even such demonstration could not be effectively staged for one reason or the other, I became rather disappointed and desperate. Efforts of Mr. Apte and others to secure volunteers made at Bombay, Poona and Gwalior bore no fruit. I could not then see any other way except to take the extreme course.
With these thoughts in my mind, while moving through the Refugee Camp in Delhi, I not a photographer with a camera on his back. He asked not to get myself photographed. He seemed to be a refugee. I agreed and got myself photographed by him. On returning to the Delhi Railway Station, I wrote two letters to Apte giving a faiut idea of my meafol state Apte4enclosing therewith my photographs, as I felt it my duty to inform MT. Nanarao Apte as he was my close associate in my business of the Press; one of such letters was addressed to him personally at his home address at Poona, and another Rashtra Office.
I wish to further state that all the statements made by me herein are entirely true and correct and each of them is made by reference to authoritative reference books. I have made use of the several issues of the Indian Information – an official organ of the Government of India for the information of the public, Indian Year Book, History of the Congress, Gandhiji’s Autobiography, Congress Bulletins issued from time to time and the files of Harijan and Young India.
I have made this rather long statement not because I want the people to eulogise my act. My only object in doing so is to leave no room for any misunderstanding about me, and there should be no vagueness in their mind about my views.
May the country properly known as Hindusthan be again united and be one, and may -the people be taught to discard the deafitist mentality leading them to submit to the aggressors.
This is my last wish and prayer to the Almighty.
I have now finished but before I sit down.
I most sincerely and respectfully express my gratitude to Your Honour for the patient hearing given, courtesy shown and facilities given to me. Similarly I express my gratitude to my legal advisers and counsel for their legal help in this great trial.
I have no ill-will towards the Police officers connected with this case. I sincerely thank them for the kindness and the treatment given by them to me. Similarly I also thank the Jail authorities for the good treatment given by them. It is a fact that in the presence of a crowd numbering 300 to 400 people I did fire shots at Gandhiji in open daylight. I did not make any attempt to run away; in fact, I never entertained any idea of running away. I did not try to shoot myself. It was never my intention to do so for it was my ardent desire to give vent to my thoughts in an open Court. My confidence about the moral side of my action has not been shaken even by the criticism leveled against it on all sides. I have no doubt honest writers of history will ,wigh my act and find the true value thereof on some day in future.
Delhi,
November, 1948.
Accused Ne.1.
Dated the 3rd of November 1948.
Court of the Special Judge,
Red Fort, DELHI.
REX
v/s
Nathuram V. Godse and others.
WRITTEN STATEMENT
of
NATHURAM V. GODS E,
Accused No.l.
