It is seldom realised even by our self-styled e conflicts, as emerging 42 years after Independence, are another manifestation of the “class Marxists or socialists that cast conflicts” in the “Hinduised” Indian society. It is no secret that the “poorer” and “weaker sections” of the society invariably belong to “lower castes”, with minor exceptions, while the “richer” classes of industrialists, traders and financial wizards are invariably from the upper castes (Baniyas, Brahmins, Thakurs, Kayasth, etc.)

Besides, the administrative services, educational institutions, media agencies, cultural organisations, etc. have been dominated by upper castes. Over 75% administrative bureaucracy at the Central and State levels are Brahmins or upper castes. Indian “communists” who were brought up in the Stalin school of disinformation.

And falsification never made a serious and in depth study of the caste system or the “caste class” relations in the vast subcontinent of India. At best they interpreted Marxism mechanically in relation to Indian conditions.

It can be said that the Hindu (Indian) feudalism under the influence of Brahmins evolved an ingenious system of Varnasharm or caste system, where in workers.

Craftsmen, manual labourers are treated as shudra and assigned the lowest possible social status. A special class of hereditary wage slaves called “Untouchables” was created. All this was sanctified by religious authority and:

Ancient scriptures,” which according to historian D.D. Kosambi were doctored by the Brahmin and the priestly classes. The Brahmins have always occupied the top position in the Hindu hierarchy as political advisers of the Kshatriyas (kings or feudal lords) followed by Baniyas and Kayas has. This has remained so after the eclipse of Buddhism (or even Janism) which were certainly more egalitarian as compared to caste ridden Hinduism.

Why Dr. Ambedkar was hated?

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who made a deep and searching study of the Hindu caste system, has explained this unique Indian phenomenon in his historic book, Who Are the Shudras? And other writings. Indian “Marxists” most of whom also incidentally came from upper castes, never understood Dr. Ambedkar whom they dismissed as a “stooge of British imperialism”. They never read great social reformers like Mahatma Phule in Maharashtra and his contemporaries in other States. Madhu Limaye, a socialist ideologue and associate of late Dr. Manohar Lohia, has justified the reservation for backward classes as a necessary step to eradicate casteism in general. Says Limaye: “Lohia’s caste policy cannot be equated with casteism. The caste system or what is known as the civil society in the West would be created. Unlike the caste system, which has 10 mobility, the class system would be mobile” (Sunday Observer, Aug.12).

Reservation for women:

 Arguing against the antireservationists who insist on an “economic quota” of reservation, Limaye has questioned whether their wisdom was superior to that of the founding fathers of the Indian constitution who enacted Articles 15 and 16. Limaye’s grievance against the Mandal Commission, on the centrary, is that while it has covered the entire male population it has totally ignored the problems of women who constitute 50% of the population. He has demanded specific reservations of seats for women in legislatures and local bodies.

Kanshi Ram, President of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) who has made his “triumphant presence” at the massive kissan rally at the Boat club in Delhi on Aug.9, has welcomed the 27% reservation in government jobs for backward classes. He, however, suspects that it might be an attempt on the part of the Prime Minister “to dupe the people”.

According to him Devi Lal, who is a leader only of the Jats, had invited BSP to participate in the rally to “broaden his constituency” on the principle of “brotherhood of the weaker sections among the Kisans, the Jats and Jatava (Dalits).”

Kanshi Ram told

Sunday Observer’s R.Z. Ahmed while discussing his alliance with Devi Lal: “The Jats were the first to rebel against Brahmins. Pakistan was not created by Jinnah, but by the large mass of Jats who were converted to Islam after 1880. The majority of the populace in Punjab today is also Jat they want Khalistan. The Jatava also are rebelling against Brahmins.”

Jat-Dalit unity:

 This is a new analysis of the socioeconomic conditions that led to the communal partition of the subcontinent in 1947, He has also given a new insight into the Khalistan movement in Punjab which cannot be dismissed lightly.

Kanshi Ram justified his participation in the Devi Lal rally with counter question: “What is more natural than to join hands to oppose brahmanical oppression?”

There are sociologists who have established that the dominant concept of Indian nationalism is the Hinduised (or brahminised) concept of a Hindu Rashtra which treat all minorities (Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and Christians not to speak of Dalits) as aliens and as such Hinduism can never promote bonafides national integration. The BJP and Shiv Sena slogans of Hindutva or Hindu Rashtra are products of this spurious kind of “nationalism”.

About the recent Agra riots involving Jats and Jatava, Kanshi Ram has said: “The Prime Minister and his minions Ajit Singh and Ajay Singh are the real culprit of the outrage in Agra.” He explained his theory on reservation thus: “It is only right and proper that we, who constitute the backward majority of 85% rule over the 15%.” He has also demanded that a certain percentage of district magistrate (DMs) in certain areas must be from scheduled castes. The upper caste elites appear to be normally scared of this “backward class” majority forging a united front and national consensus.

The strength of BSP:

 The BSP which was a nonentity till the 1984 Lok Sabha elections has got three MPs elected from UP, and Punjab in 1989. It has 15 MLAs in UP and wields sub stained influence among the masses. It can easily rally various Dalit organisations in different states under its banner.

Brahmin Baniya Press:

 According to Kanshi Ram, the “Brahmin, Baniya Press” (including Goenka’s Indian Express) had initially built up DeviLal has realised that he was being exploited by the “Brahmin Baniya Press” and hence according to him, his attack on the capitalist controlled media.”

But the BSP President claims the “Brahmin Baniya Press” had temporarily beaten Devi Lal in the power struggle within the Janata Dal but he is confident that “Kanshi Ram will rise inspite of the media.” He has vowed that the “BSP will crush the three organs of the power structure money, mafia and media. We will crush the media with Jan Sampark (mass contact).”

In this background the new JatJatayBC alliance being forged by Devi Lal, Mahendra Singh Tikait and Kanshi Ram on the basis of an urban rural divide cannot be under estimated despite the rantings of the upper caste elitists against Mandal Commission and reservations for “backward classes”. It can sweep the whole subcontinent heralding a major political transformation in the country.

There is much more than what meets the eye behind the antireservation agitation directed against the Mandal Commission report. It is assuming the character of a civil war between the Dalits and backward class masses on the one hand and their “exploiters and oppressors” on the other, backed by upper caste elites. This can bring about a new realignment of Social and political forces a in the country.

 The author is a journalist of 42 years standing.

Article extracted from this publication >> November 9, 1990