So far as the Hindus are concerned, all power has remained for many centuries in the hands of a small group of hereditary exploiters whose life and interests are even to-day antagonistic to the welfare of the masses of India. The chief national institutions of the Hindus such as the Sacred Literature, the Social Organisation, the Religious Institutions and the State have been originated, developed and used, and are being now used with the primary object of keeping the masses ignorant, servile and 1 disunited for exploitation by the privileged classes.
Brahmanism is the name used by historians to denote the exploiters and their civilisation. It may be defined as a system of socio-religious domination and exploitation of the Hindus based on caste, priest-craft and false philosophy,—caste representing the scheme of domination, priestcraft the means of exploitation, and false philosophy 2 justification of both caste and priestcraft. Started by the Brahman priests and developed by them through many centuries of varying fortunes and compromises with numerous ramifications, it has under foreign rule, become the general culture of the Hindus and is, at the present day, almost identical with organised Hinduism.
Brahmanism was not confined to the Brahman community, though they have always been its foremost champions and most interested promulgators. From time to time other Hindu communities, foreign invaders and Indian princes have supported it when they found it useful for their aggrandisement, and thus helped it to become the power that it is to-day. The scheme of castes and priestcraft was wide enough to afford scope for numerous exploiting groups, so that despotic monarchs, adventurous kings wishing to become emperors, usurpers to thrones ,desirous of priestly support, new invaders such as the Scythians, the Chinese, the Turks, the Greeks, the Rajputs, the Muhammadans and the modern Europeans, and Indian princes aspiring to Kshatriyahood and relying on Brahman help,—all have patronised it in turns when it served them in their con4uest or exploitation.
When the Indian people lost their political freedom, they were obliged to accept Brahmanism as their religion and culture and submit to its injustices, untruths and oppressions. Born and bred, generation after generation, in the atmosphere of servility, they now see virtue in its sins, wisdom in its deceptions, and freedom in its serfdom. It has never stood for any consistent philosophy or doctrines or ethics but has adjusted its methods and principles to suit-changing situations subject to its triple programme. Its strength depends on an ingenious organisation of society in which the hereditary priest is supreme, priestcraft is the highest religion, and philosophy is the hand-maid of priestcraft. Originally the scheme contemplated only four caste divisions, but the process of classification by birth and social exclusiveness once brought into fashion gave rise to many thousands of castes and sub-castes all of which found a place in the priests’ plan and they are to-day impenetrable ba7rriers to Hindu unification.
Similarly, priestcraft assumed many forms. Expensive sacrifices attended with slaughter of animals, drinking, dancing and feasting were its feature in the first stage. During the ascendency of Buddhism, it originated various secret rites, idolatrous ceremonies, yogic tricks, and mystic formulae, some of which are too horrid to mention. Later it took the popular form of templecraft which is at present its chief means of exploitation. False philosophy is a later growth. For a very long period Brahmanism did not care for philosophy. In fact, intellectual
freedom was opposed to it. None of the great philosophers supported Brahmanism. Most of them have condemned it downright. It depended for success entirely on the political power of the priests. When that power finally passed out of their hands to non-Hindu rulers they adapted the ancient philosophical speculations to explain and justify the claims of Brahmanism.
In recent years, after -learning became wide-spread, and contact with. Muhmmadanism and Christianity roused the critical spirit regarding religious matters, and numerous reformers attacked the -entire system of idolatry and rituals, various apologetic and mystifying false theories have been pro-pounded to give Brahmanism a show of reasonable-ness and surround it with awe and mystery. Other-wise it did not rely on its appeal to reason or moral feelings or its intrinsic benefit to its followers. It derived its power from the patronage of monarchs who submitted to priestly domination or were willing to become parties to the scheme of exploitation.
Even British Imperialism is relenting but Brahman Imperialism knows no remorse. It is as cruel as ever. It would see its victims die under its weight rather than relax its deadly grip. Sixty, million untouchables may renounce Hinduism in a body; Brahmanism would stick to its guns. Hindu society may be hewn away limb by limb by proselytising missions, Brahmanism will chuckle behind temple doors. India may live or perish, Brahmanism will pursue its career unaffected. If the Goddess of Victory were to appear before the devotees of Hindu orthodoxy with the gift. of Indian Swaraj in one hand and Brahmanism in the other, and ask them to choose between the two, India’s fate would be sealed forever. The exploiters have neither yet shown a change of heart or policy, ‘nor the willingness to identify their interests with those of the common people of India. All previous attempts to consolidate the Hindus as a nation were opposed and more or less frustrated by their wise men who are playing the same role to-day. Under such circumi stances Swaraj would mean a revival of the ancient Imperialism and all the reactionary forces which have throughout India’s history thwarted the progress of the common people.
No people can become competent to work political democracy so long as they are willing victims of priestly tyranny. There can be no real rapprochement between the Hindus and the Muhammadans, or for the matter of that, between the Hindus and any other self-respecting nation, unless the Hindus extricate themselves from the servitude of the Brahmanical social order, and organise their society on democratic principles. Modern European Nationalism does not offer a desirable political ideal for India. Indian Swaraj should mean a
reconciliation of the Hindus and the Muhammadans and of the East and the West for the realisation of a higher brotherhood of peoples than that represented by European nationalities. Hindu consolidation can be effected only through political means and should be the immediate object of Hindu Nationalism.
While tracing the history of the gradual enslavement of the Hindu masses, we have had to mention names of communities and classes, whose selfishness or ignorance has contributed to ‘theirs downfall. The present generation is only to a mall extent responsible for the inherited vices of society, and even when a class of people are found to have been chiefly responsible for a certain state of affairs, we should not forget the fact that in all communities there have been honourable persons who were an asset to the nation. In our own day men and women of all castes and creeds have come forward
to shoulder the responsibilities of national reconstruction and make the sacrifices without which no great cause can succeeds.
British Imperialism does not mean the British. people; it symbolises a vast system and has numerous votaries among Indians also. Brahmanism, similarly, does not signify the Brahmans exclusively, but an ancient order of things of which the Brahmans are the leaders and champions. It stands for the aggregate of ideals, institutions and past history of the socio-religious constitution of the Hindu society. At the same time, we should not lose sight of the fact that the cause we have to serve is the welfare of the entire nation and not the sentiment of separate classes or castes. If, therefore, some of us Brahmans, or Kshatriyas or others have to accept a larger’ share of the blame for the disaster which has befallen us all, we should not hesitate to welcome the opportunity. That circumstance should be an incentive to put forth still greater efforts to right the wrong we have done. It is the system which is throttling us all equally, it is that pernicious system that is the subject of our criticisms. Modern capitalism is the magnificent achievement of many generations of eminent economists and yet it is of the present day recognised to be the most potent danger to the peace of the world. Scientists who have made possible the inconceivable horrors of modern war-fare are often accused of having prostituted their genius for the destruction of humanity, though their achievements for prosperity and peace are indescribably great. Such has been the fate of alt human institutions, the mystery of an unfathomable destiny which rules over us all. What we reverently build up today and consider more precious than our lives, our grandchildren often condemn as the in-credible bunglings of ignorant ancestors.
“Priestly supremacy and royal despotism are inevitable when the people become enervated and feeble, and are incapable of taking care of their con-science or their political rights. Priests and kings are no more responsible for these results than the people themselves, indeed the former are less responsible for assuming undue authority than the latter for submitting to such authority. Such chains are received ungrudgingly by a feeble and lifeless people; when the people awake to life and vigour, the chains fall asunder.” So wrote the late R. C. ‘ Dutt. The oppressors as well as the oppressed, sometimes the latter more than the former, are responsible for the continuance of an oppressive system.
Our object in this volume is to trace the causes and course of India’s enslavement, and awaken the conscience of all parties. There is no desire to wound anybody’s feelings. There is no rancour in our heart. We believe that the socio-religious order which has brought the whole Hindu race to their knees is more satanic than the worst foreign imperialism and must be crushed before India can be free. We have renounced everything in order to be able to serve the lowliest of the Hindus. Our life is dedicated to the cause of Hindu emancipation. We searched for the causes of thraldom. The results of our investigation and thinking are expressed in this volume without any effort to conceal unpleasant – facts. The spirit of lamentation is also entirely absent. The Hindu masses are getting infected with a grim determination to re-establish the free-born rights on the rock of true liberty rather than on self-deception, feigned unity and disguised exploitation.
