The birth of the Indian National Congress symbolizes the renaissance of natural conscious- ness among the Hindu and that particularly of the upper classes.
1This can be proved beyond doubt on the authority of writings and speeches of men like Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya, Dr. Beni Prasad and principal Gurmukh Nihal Singh. In fact, it was an attempt to galvanize the loose links binding the vast agglomeration of Indian humanity which for want of better descriptive term is styled as Hindu. True, there was a sprinkling of Muslims in its ranksin the early rather middle stages of the movement. But truer still that as a community the Muslims kept aloof. For this political abstinence on the part of the Muslim we shall see in a later chapter his peculiar psychological make-up is responsible over and above other reasons usually put forward.
Even when efforts were made to maintain
- The Meaning of Pakistan by F. K. Durrani, Chapter V.
a show of cosmopolitanization some of the Hindu leaders apprehending a betrayal of the original purpose, parted company with the. Congress. The logic of the subsequent events; and the policy followed by their august political organisation leaves more in doubt except the one who wilfully wishes to remain in -doubt that it is a Hindu organisation. With the possible exception of its founder its destiny has been invariably guided by Hindu brains to protect and uphold the dignity of the Hindu brawns. The high lights among its steward. ship are men like the late Gokhale, Tilak Deshbandhu, Lajpatrai and its arch-guide being Mahatma Gandhi.
One marvels at the simplicity of those who could be deluded with the belief that an organization with a programme, code, convention, and traditions which make appeal to the religious thought of one community, could one day emerge as a national political organisation A communal organisation alone was a natural corollary from such paraphenalia as the doctrine of Ahamsa, or non-violence, the spinning wheel, the tricolour, the Sanskritized Vandematram, fasts, days of silence, now perhaps replaced by the’ cow, the prayer assembly—all symbolic of Hindu pattern of religious thought. All this points unmistakably to religion not to economics and politics. As if a non-communal political organization could be built on a religious basis, a basis in which finds reflection the religious philosophy of exclusively one community. Mahatma himself and his followers would hasten to turn round and proclaim chat all this is personal or exclusive to himself and that he is not the official head of the organisation, not even a four-anna member of the Congress. This piece of hypocrisy, of course, convinces none. Everybody knows that the Mahatma is the very soul and life of the Congress, It will certainly redouned to the honour of the great man if he gave up this unconvincing argument of his not being a four-anna member.
To revert to the story. The Indian National Congress ceased before long to be true to its label. The fact is, it is neither Indian nor national nor a Congress. It could not be Indian first for the adjective Indian describes nothing. Secondly its claim to speak for all the nationalities of the country was always hotly debated whenever the question arose. Recent happenings have proved this claim to be untrue beyond shadow of doubt. National it could not be in the face of there being so many nations in the country and its professed Hindu policy. Many thoughtful people have grave doubts of its being a Congress. In point of fact, it is a coterie .of high caste Hindus. Its Hindu policy has finally been ratified by the Hindu Mahasabha, by the virtual and voluntary liquidation of the latter. The Lucknow Pact of 1916 is a proof positive if needed of its being not an Indian National Congress. There can be no occasion for pacts between the peoples of the same camp. Pacts denote parties, are a testimony to differences you patch up and compose or compromise—division not unity.
If the Sikhs joined the Congress it was not out of their love for being a member of a new nation but to discharge their religious duty of fighting against injustice, the injustice of British rule over Non-British peoples. On no occasion they indicated their merger into the Hindu nationality nor into the supposed Indian nation which, of course, never came into being Not to speak of appreciating their services to the cause of the country’s struggle against the foreign rule which are clearly out of all proportion to their numerical strength and as such excel those of the other nationalities, the Congress has always attempted to ignore them. The usage of ‘ignore’ is perhaps the mildest. The Congress has gone even to the length of attempting to sabotage their separate national existence by agreeing to the Muslim rule over the Sikhs.
A brief review of the Congress policy to- wards the Sikhs since 1916 will turn the dead patriots in their grave and be an eye-opener to those who under the hypnosis of slogans could not think independently as to what they had been fighting for. Sawraj was actually meant to blossom into Hindu Raj; freedom, freedom for the Hindu and the Muslim. The Lucknow Pact was a pact between the Hindus and the Muslims. The Sikhs found their services rewarded by being completely ignored. Yes virtue is its own reward; how foolish for a virtuous people to ask for a reward, The Pact was naturally greatly resented by the Sikhs, then followed a Punjab Conference at Amritsar as a result of the efforts of the late Sir Fazl-i-Hussain and L. Harkishan Lal. The Conference endorsed the policy of the Pact so far as the Sikhs were concerned, The Sikhs again had no business to ask for anything. The Conference did not like that a virtuous race should be a beggar. The resentment grew apace.
Mahatma Gandhi loomed large on the political horizon. Contemplating his Non-co-operation Movement he was out to muster strength, The Sikh League held its Session at Amrit sar in 1913. Mahatma Gandhi and the late Ali Brothers attended the Session and made generous promises assuring that the policy of the Lucknow Pact would not be repeated and exhorted the Sikhs to throw themselves heart and soul into the impending struggle against the foreign rule. The Sikhs were consoled and accepted to take upon their shoulders the res possibility of making every possible sacrifice To properly appreciate the sacrifice involved in this resolve, we should do well to recollect that was made despite the tempting offer of a goodly share in services and political rights conveyed to them by the then Governor of the Punjab. The world knows how they acquit ted themselves by proving themselves to be the spearhead of the movement in the Punjab But when it was the turn of the Hindu coterie they rewarded our services again by the re pudiation of their promises, The Congress spoke in the terms of the Nehru Report, what did it say for the Sikhs? The report recommended weightage for minorities in every part of the country except the Sikhs in the Punjab, That was how Gandhian crosses were distributed for gallantry in the fight for independence. How could the Sikhs who believe in violence be considered for any military decoration by the C-I-C. Gandhi? The Report sold the Sikhs to the Muslim in Punjab. The com- munity with one voice protested against this Brahmnical dispensation. Arc the All-Parties Conference held at Calcutta in 1928 the Sikh leaders spoke their grievance to the Mahatma who recognized the injustice but expressed his helplessness to remedy the wrong done. The ‘Congress would stand by the Nehru Report. The Sikh leaders walked out of the Conference disgusted, disappointed and none the less disillusioned.
The political atmosphere became soon electric again. General Gandhi was again to declare war against slavery. A fierce political struggle ‘was to ensue. Good old fighters had to be called to colours. Congress Hindu leaders having perfected the art of ensnaring people by false promises, themselves sought an audience with the Sikh leaders. Mahatma Gandhi, the late M. L. Nehru and Dr. Ansari condescended to travel all the way to the office of the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee at Lahore and stage another performance. The Nehru Report was agreed to be burried in the sands of Ravi; it was to be a thing of the past and hence was to be forgotten. The Sikhs were given solemn assurance that no constitution would be acceptable to the Congress unless it satisfied the Sikhs.
The later history is a painful story of repeatedly dishonouring the pledge given by the top-ranking leaders of the Congress. The same Congress leaders now speak in different languages. The assurances given were, how- ever, again accepted with good faith in obedience to the Civil Disobedience Movement and the Sikhs fought shoulder to shoulder with the Hindu in the struggle for independence, The Round Table Conference proved abortive. The party to the Poona Pact again forgot the solemn pledge which it had given to the Sikhs. The communities not coming to any agreement ‘amongst themselves, the communal problem of necessity obtained a solution from a British statesman, the notorious Communal Award working evidently to the detriment of the Sikhs. It elicited not a word of protest from M, Gandhi. He just kept mum. Owing to the political insolvency of the Congress the Communal Award got a smooth passage, in the Indian Legislative Assembly. The Muslim League was strong enough to carry it through. The Congress by its effete neutrality betrayed its duty towards the Sikhs.
With the actual coming into power of the Congress in Seven Provinces in 1937 the Sikhs had a foretaste of the coming Sawraj under the regime of provincial autonomy in pursuance of the Government of India Act, 1935, It showed how the Hindus would treat the Sikhs if the former had the power to do so. Over fifty Sikh bodyguards of the provincial: ‘governor in Bombay were given the sack, their places being taken up by Hindus. Bombay remained the solitary province in India in the days of provincial autonomy and the Congress the apostle of freedom, in power, where restriction on the length of Kirpan won by the Sikhs as a religious symbol could not be with- drawn. The Sikh contractors of Behar were given the command “right about turn, march” to the Punjab, lock, stock and barrel. In the United Provinces the freedom of conscience vanished for the Sikhs. The untouchables could not embrace the Sikh faith, for if they did, all the priveleges to which they were entitled by virtue of their depressed economic status would ipso facto terminate. Such instances need not be multiplied. They only indicate the great distance that lies between professions and actions of Hindu leaders ; that the Congress whenever it possesses power would exercise it for the extermination and not protection of the Sikhs. Mahatma Gandhi can be prepared to fast unto death if Hindu solidarity is jeopardized ; his disciples can fast unto death whenever Sikh solidarity is endangered. In the Punjab the Congress could insult the Sikhs by putting up candidates on Sikh seats for the Provincial election in 1937—one Mr. Kishan Singh, an Arya-Smajist and another Comrade Teja Singh, an apostate. And they were expected to speak for and represent the Sikhs. What a mockery! The Sikhs had to pocket the insult.
In 1939, correspondence passed between Mahatma Gandhi and Master Tara Singh, the leader of the community, which is at once disappointing and instructive, with the result that the correspondence opened another chapter in the history of the Sikh-Congress relations. Mahatma Gandhi’s finding was that the place for a true Sikh was outside the Congress fold on account of his want of full faith in Ahamsa, That verdict is an eye-opener to those Sikhs who still cling to the Hindu organization. Congress creed, as I said before, is a religion, A Sikh can’t be a Sikh and as well believe in another religion. The aforesaid verdict exonerated Mahatma Gandhi of his moral duty to stand by his pledge and assurance given to the Sikhs.
In 1940, came the Lahore resolution of the Muslim League embodying the Muslim demand popularly called Pakistan. The Congress pundits have ever since been speaking in ambiguous language and parables setting others to guess as to the meaning of what they say, This is but a device to deceive others that the Congress does not countenance the Muslim demand. At the Allahabad Session of the Congress in 1942 which ratified the Working Committee’s resolution regarding the Cripps proposals, that the Congress envisaged a federal union for India, no unit being compelled to remain in the union against her wishes, the Sikh leaders were not allowed even to table an amendment by which they sought to safeguard their own interest without endangering the interst of anyone else. The Quit-India resolution resulted in the imprisonment of Congress leaders. Mr, Raja- gopalacharia felt that the Hindu ambition could not be realised without conceding Mr. Jinnah’s demand. He evolved the partition formula which later received Gandhi’s blessing. The formula was condemned unreservedly by all the sections of the Sikh nation, for its application i.e., Muslim Rule was clear to them. After his release there was the 17-day meeting between himself and Mr. Jinnah in Bombay, Negotiations broke ultimately on their divergence as to the details. What passes our comprehension is that the leaders talked and talked for 17-days without their having agreed to what was basic to their negotiations ie., the right of separate and independent state for the Muslims. The words “that partition shall be erected on my corpse” do not fit well into the mouth of a shrewd and same politician who could bless C. R’s Scheme of partition and talk for 17 days with the protagonist of partition. Yet there are people who are not weary of repeating that the Congress stands for United India. In sooth, negotiation broke because Gandhiji would not grant to the Muslims the right of being a separate nation not that Mahatma saw and could prove any unity between the Hindu and Muslim but because he visualised the prospect of other nationalities pressing for a similar demand. Needless to comment that it was to his knowledge that there are other nations besides Hindus and Muslims. It is another thing if the Mahatma treats them as such or not.
The exigencies of the war compelled the Governor General of India to have a cabinet which could be truly representative of all the sections of political life in the country, With a view to securing a broad-based executive council he held a Conference at Simla to which were invited leaders of all the political parties of Indian peoples. The Congress put forward the prepostrous claim of its being the representative of all sections of social life irrespective of their nationalities. The claim could only be put to test by appeal to the polls, hence came the election of 1945. The elections have given a very clear verdict. One thing stands out crystal clear i.e., the Congress represents the Hindus alone. The Hindu Mahasabha shall have no occasion to take offence, if its nominees are not invited to discussion (now being held by members of the British Cabinet Mission) for feeling the necessity of voluntary liquidation its candidates wherever it chose to contest election ultimately decided to withdraw in favour Congress Hindu candidates, The Congress bosses knew that their claim to represent the Muslims was a bluff, In the actual campaign of election, the Congress did not put up a single candidate on Muslim seat. Of course it did indulge in wire-pulling through some scapegoats. But it pooled all its resources to deprive the Sikhs the freedom to choose their representatives. We are now coming to the epilogue of this drama, perhaps its most painful part. The veil of pretension was lifted off the Congress face and it forgot the Sikhs as a Hindu Sabha in all its nakedness. The powerful batteries of the so called nationalist Hindu Press yelled barrages of false news, piling filthy abuses on Sikh leaders. Hindu wealth flowed like water to purchase as many Sikh voters as possible no matter at what price. All principles were thrown to the. Winds It was a fight between the Hindus and Sikhs and in a fight everything as fair was the guiding principle of the Congress Party, Candidates put up to a Sikh seat pitched against those of the’ Akali Dal may not have the remotest association with the Congress or its Programme. The pivotal principle was the holy aim of capturing as many Sikh seats as possible in the legislature under the banner of the Tricolour to deceive the world and the British, that the Congress though it did not represent the Muslims, represents the Sikhs. The Congress could join hands with the com- munity (its declared enemy) No. 1 in the fight against the Sikhs. But with what results, Lacking the funds and forces available to the Hindus for the electioneering crusade to usurp the Sikh positions, the community gave a clear answer to the challenge. The answer is so clear that I need not put into black and white here. Results speak eloquently.
The Sikhs joined the Congress to fight for the common cause of political freedom but not for the establishment of Hindu hegemony. Abuses can and will surely be forgotton. But not the lesson from them, that this is the fore- taste perhaps on a modest scale of how the Hindus will behave towards the Sikhs and their tights if the former but Possessed the requisite power. They desire, perhaps naturally, the political extermination of the Sikhs. Less said the better. How ludicrous is the incongruity between what they say and what they do. But the policy squares well with the doings of their Aryan ancestors who exterminated the original inhabitants of the country which they call as, Motherland. Let me close here lest the Hindu Press should pour out its indictment that it is a hymn of hate calculated to undermine Hindu solidarity. They talk of solidarity, yet in the same breath deny the non-Hindus the right to, look after their own solidarity. The gem of Swaraj that was prized by the Sikhs for its supposed radiation of freedom for all to their dismay, has proved to be phoney.
