The Bhartiya Kisan Union’s decision to contest elections in Punjab is of far reaching importance. The B.K.U. sounds Indian but is essentially a Sikh outfit with its operations and aims limited to Punjab. The organization is comprised of peasantry and has a rural base. It distinguished itself over the years by its espousal of not only the economic demands of farmers but also the political issues affecting them such as the unprecedented police repression of Sikhs. No wonder, leading cadres of the B.K.U. including its president, Ajmer Singh Lakhowal, suffered at the hands of Indian authorities.
The immediate provocation for the B.K.U. to plunge into politics is the failure of Akalis to unite and provide a viable alterative to the Congress (1). But this is only a superficial cause. The real reason, it seems, is the realization by an overwhelming majority of Punjab’s population that possession of even limited state power is better than none at all to rein in the police and to protect the state’s vital political and economic interests.
India blatantly misused the state power through a minority government headed by Beant Singh. The Sikhs’ aim of boycotting elections three years ago was to register their protest against the Indian atrocities on them. The success of the boycott had little effect on India. Nevertheless, the authorities railroaded Sikhs through such rented Sikhs as Beant Singh and K.P.S. Gill. A feeling is also growing among Sikhs that state power alone could help protect Punjab’s rights and interests, particularly in respect of water.
Most Akali leaders are keen on assuming power but are reluctant to raise any political or economic issues of immediate concern to the public. S.G.P.C. President Gurcharan Singh Tohra said a few weeks ago that even the Amritsar declaration of Akali Dal (Amritsar) would not be allowed to stand in the way of Akali unity. Most Akali leaders are not inclined to mention police repression as an issue. The reason perhaps is that the brunt of repression was come mostly by non-Akalis. If anything, Akali leaders got a security umbrella from India all these years of political turbulence. This amply proved where the Akalis stood in the virtual war between ordinary Sikhs and the Indian state. They are reluctant even to raise demands contained in the Anandpur Sahib resolution to which the Akalis pretend to be committed.
The second major issue of immediate concern to the Sikhs is the water issue. India is determined to take away Punjab’s river water to be used by other states even by violating international and national laws. Akalis are willing to take up this issue only to bargain with India for political survival and power. On the other hand, the B.K.U. chief Ajmer Singh Lakhowal, had declared boldly that Punjab was the owner of its three major rivers and that neither Rajasthan nor Haryana had a right to even a drop of water of these rivers. Lakhowal gave a public ultimatum that no water would be allowed to be transferred out of Punjab in 1996. True, the Akalis were the first to launch an agitation to oppose the construction of the proposed S.Y.L. canal in 1982. But the Sikh masses no longer attach much seriousness to Akali agitations.
In this context, the BKU plan to enter electoral politics has caused a stir in political circles in Punjab. Tohra has condemned the move as inspired by Congress (I). Not long ago, when Kanshi Ram joined electoral politics, it was dubbed by Congress (1) as “C.I.A.-inspired.” The vested interests who are likely to be affected by new political currents are naturally upset. So are Akalis. At the same time, Akalis have brought about a change in their tone. Tohra has said that the Amritsar declaration posed no obstruction to Akali unity. Tohra’s return to the Amritsar declaration could be a tactical move to counter Lakhowal and his plans.
It is hoped in Punjab’s political circles that the B.K.U. will join hands with Damdami Taksal and the BSP to offer the third option for the Sikhs in addition to Congress (I) and Akalis
The public is fed up with the last mentioned two parties for their entrenched vested interests and their commitment to the status quo. The Sikhs are yearning for the third force. This force could effect adjustments with well-meaning Akalis on the one hand and dissident Congress (1) M.P. Jagmit Singh Brar on the other hand. The public had opted for the third force in 1989 when they returned a large number of Sikh M.Ps but the gain was allowed to be wasted because there was no organized force with an amount of commitment behind those M.Ps. This gap is now likely to be filled by the BKU, the Damdami Taksal and student organizations attached to the Taksal as well as Dalits. This force not only can contest the Assembly poll but can also plunge into the SGPC arena. After all, Dalits commitment to Sikhism, which offers them a casteless society, is traditionally strong. The third force, in any case, has a great future in Punjab.
Article extracted from this publication >> March 24, 1995
