The quality of Gurdwara management by the Shiromani Akali Dal in Punjab had not been inspiring much confidence among the Sikh masses for more than two decades. Persistent complaints of misuse of funds had been noticed from time to time. There were demands of drastic reforms. But, strangely, the same set of managers had been returned to power in the last week’s election held after 17 years. The Akali Dal (Badal) swept the elections to win more than 150 seats in the 170strong S.G.P.C. The performance of the Akali Dal (Amritsar) had been far below expectations while the Akali Dal (Panthic) ~B.SP. Marriage failed to register its presence in the new house.
Reasons are not far to seek. Sikh masses appear to have overlooked the rot in the Gurdwara management for the present and have shown greater awareness of the lively dangers central interference as well as the threats from “deras”’ to the Sikh institutions. Certain opposition groups of contestants did not distinguish themselves from Congress (I) leaders and also the present ruling groups in Delhi. The Sikhs also do not want to encourage any moves to desecrate the historic gurdwaras. That is precisely why the candidates belonging to the erstwhile Longowal Barnala groups, now forming as part of the Badal faction, were defeated. Punishment seems to have been given to the group for sending police forces into the Darbar Sahib complex way back in 1986. At the same time, most Sikhs do not want the gurdwaras to be used for unseemly wrangles. As such, lesser evils are being tolerated than those who could create unpredictable situations.
Far more relevant is the reality that the opposition groups of contestants did not provide any real alternative to the traditional Akalis after militancy suffered a heavy loss at the hands of government forces. In the absence of a viable alternative, Sikh youths seem to have relapsed into inactivity. As such, not more than 50 percent Sikhs enrolled themselves as Gurdwara voters and hardly half the voters took the trouble of going to election booths. This apathy, coupled with the financial and organizational clout of the ruling faction, worked to mobilize the limited voter turnout in favor of the Badal camp.
In our opinion, in the aftermath of Operation Bluestar, a radical transformation in Sikh politics has taken place in so far as gurdwaras no longer serve as political forum As such, there should be no direct and automatic link between a party’s control of gurdwaras and the control of the State Assembly. It will be a mistake if Badal Tohra team thinks that they are close to entering the Punjab secretariat merely on strength of their control of the $.G.P.C.
The Akali Dal (A) and the Akali Dal (Panthic) can still make themselves relevant by effectively distancing from traditional Akalis and their ways. A genuine commitment to Panthic programs implies upholding the principles of Sikh freedom and sovereignty. Sikh freedom movement has no use for the traditional Akali organizational structures either. The Sikh polity must, therefore draw not only upon its old principles but also the old organizational tools. Individual oriented politics had to give way to collective politics. Youths will have to be drawn into the democratic Sikh struggle. Let the elder Sikhs and women control Gurdwara managements, while youths come to the fore in politics. This kind of arrangement has historical parallels. For this to happen, the Sikh political parties would have to come out with clear programs of action.
Article extracted from this publication >> October 16, 1996
