To those outside Punjab, it may seem as if the only forces operating there today are the State machinery and the terrorists, and that any solution to the problem must involve these two parties. But this is not the case. Aside from these two antidemocratic forces, a third force has been active in Punjab—and this is the democratic movement. It is this force which holds out genuine hope of resolution of the problem, however long such a resolution may take. The mainstream media refuses, for its own reasons, to give this force any attention. So it is all the more urgent that the democratic Press outside Punjab give the activities of this third force utmost prominence. In Punjab, there has been a strong tradition of democratic ‘movements. ‘We mean by this, ‘movements organised on secular, class lines for people’s just demands. We have mentioned the pie-‘ independence role of men such as Ajit Singh, the Ghadr revolutionaries, Bhagat Singh, and so on. The traditions created by these movements survived the 1947 transfer of power, and militant peasant struggles for land continued under the leadership of the undivided Communist Party of India (eg, the 1948-52 PEPSU tenants struggle). The communist influence strengthened secular feelings: for example, it was the CPI following among Hindus that took a secular stand and ‘registered their mother-tongue as Punjabi in the censuses.

Fundamentalism nurtured to combat communsist revolutionaries:

From the late 1960s onward, the movement led by varidts groups of communist revolutionaries in Punjab played a role in mobilising struggles of the exploited. The peasant movement organised by these revolutionaries met with brutal repression by the Badal-led Akali government and later the Zail Singh-led Congress-I government. Communist revolutionaries were massacred. A powerful student organisation, the Punjab Students’ Union, commanded a virtually -unchallenged following among the students. It specifically put up a sharp fight against all forms of religious revivalism, and greatly helped popularise Bhagat Singh’s booklet “Why I am an Atheist”. In 1979, its most well-known leader, Prithipal Singh Randhawa, was kidnapped, heinously tortured, and killed by an AISSF gang which was sheltered by the then Akali ministry. A statewide protek movement (against the killing and the Akalis’ shielding of the killers) met with fierce police repression. Thus communal fanatics had from the start been nurtured by the rulers as a way to terrorise such democratic movements. Today, cadres of the CPI, the CPI(M), and various communist -revolutionary groups command a foil owing among both Hindus ‘arid Sikhs in pockets throughout the state. Specifically, they have powerful unions of government employees, electricity workers, teachers, add industrial workers; various agricultural labour and peasant unions and youth and student organisation (AISF, SFI, and various factions of the PSU). The influence of the communists of various hues is today still considerable. And the communists are the only organised force with which the communal terrorists have to contend. The AISSF, even before Bluestar, named the communists second in their list of their five main enemies, and the Sikh communalists have made communists a special traget of repression. Let us take a few examples.

 Martyrs in the battle against communalists:

 Sumeet Singh came from a communist family. His grandfather, Gurbax Singh Prcet Lari, was a famous progressive writer. Sumeet edited a Leftist journal, Preet Lari. He was clean-shaven; his brother wore a full beard and turban. They lived in the terrorist-affected district of Amritsar, but Sumeet openly condemned the terrorists in his magazine. Sumeet and his brother were returning to Punjab in February 1984. They were stopped in Haryana, and his brother was publicly humiliated, by Hindu communalists. Sumeet was spared because he was clean-shaven, The two brothers returned home to their village. Then, on February 22, at Lopoke village, Khalistani terrorists attacked. On being told that Sumeet was grandson of Gurbax Singh, they killed him. His wife refused any religious ceremony at his cremation; this is now the practice of all the martyrs of the Left in Punjab. Comrade Sukhraj Khadder did not belong to any political organisation, but he was sympathetic to the various Marxist-Leninist groups, and brought out a magazine called Chingari (“Spark”). He wrote bravely in his magazine against Sikh fundamentalists and Bhindranwale, despite the fact that he lived in the terrorist infested district of Gurdaspur. Three of Bhindranwale’s men came to his village on April 13, 1984, and pumped bullets into him. Arjan Singh Mastana, a CPI ex-MLA, was in his sixties by the time the Bhindranwale gangs emerged in Amritsar. But he devoted himself to boldly fighting them, touring the villages with armed supporters. He had helped to catch some terrorists with the help of the villagers, and had openly challenged certain terrorists in Valtoha area, whom he had seen burning a bus, that he would expose them. The terrorists came to his house at dawn on March 27, 1986, disguised as policemen. One man made noises to suggest that he was being beaten by the police, and cried out. “comrade comrade, help me”. Mastana came rushing out of his house without taking his weapon or any other precautions He was killed on the spot, in broad daylight. The terrorists openly challenged the villagers: “We’ll bring another bus here, and burn it in front of the entire village; and then we dare anyone to identify us.” Baldev Singh Mann, a state committee member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) C. P. Reddy group, wore a flowing beard. He was a leader of the Kirti Kisan Union, a peasant organisation very active in Amritsar and Gurdaspur districts, agitating for remunerative prices for crops, reduction of electricity rates, exemption of loan repayment for poor peasants, and so on. Mann spoke against the terrorists. And because the KKU built up a powerful’ agitation on economic demands, it could:, offer the Sikh peasant a concrete course of action to resolve his basic problems. The social base of the KKU—small and middle peasant’s,’ mainly Jat Sikhs—is in fact the base from which the Khalistani gangs want support. On September 26, 1986, Mann was gunned down by terrorists. His funeral was attended by thousands of peasants raising Militant slogans against the terrorists in Mann’s memory. Peasants have painted slogans on the walls of village huts: “0 killers, of Baldev Mann! Do you think you can kill the rising sun?” s Darshan Singh Canadian was a Jat Sikh who had liveesin Canada for many years, and had been active in the labour movement there. He later returned to India to organise the peasantry, living in the village Langeri. He went on many tours alone, and without protection, to mobilise people against the Khalistanis. He organised several public meetings in Tarn Taran and Patti tehsils of Amritsar. After one such meeting in Raiyya village, he took a bus to Malpur and stayed the night there. The next morning, as he cycled to Langeri, he was shot dead. Raj Kumar, a CPI worker from Kalanaur village, Gurdaspur district, started receiving threatening letters 3 years ago. His father is the sarpanch of the village. They have a small shop and 4 acres of land. Raj Kumar’s family was popular in the village, and carried influence. They were d, termined not to leave the village. Raj Kumar and his brothers applied for gun licences, but refused the security guards they were offered. Then the brothers waited for the attack to take place. They waited for more than two years. On the night of April 13, 1987, at 9.45, the terrorists struck. The brothers quickly got their guns and fought bravely back. The terrorists somehow had gathered detailed information about the house, and knew how to attack. There were about 25 terrorists; 10 kept the brothers engaged in firing while the others tried to scale the compound wall. For a full 45 minutes the two sides exchanged fire. Raj Kumar’s brother was wounded, and his rifle fell on the other side of the wall, The three brothers then retreated to a safer place to continue firing. Finally the terrorists called out: “We will settle with you later. You will have to pay the price for this.” _ Finally, Raj Kumar and his family left the village, despite retaining the affection of the people of the village. When they shifted, 30-40 Hindu families in nearby villages also shifted. Many other families had kept up their courage to stay with the confidence that this corn, munist family would be there. When Baldev Singh Mann was martyred, the CPI (ML) cadre not only painted slogans in his memory throughout the area, but decided to construct a permanent arch at the entrance of the village Kukranwala, on the Amritsar-Ajnala road. The funds for this arch were raised from peasants, government employees, and other common people. The treasurer of the committee to construct this arch was Balwant Singh. a highly respected peasant in his fifties. He had served in the army 15 years. Now he was a CPI (ML) cadre, living in the nearby village Kala Afghana. . When the campaign for funds began, Balwant Singh received threats from the terrorists. On May 2, Balwant had spent the day mobilising peasants for a KKU rally to demand compensation for damaged crops. Balwant Singh had a licensed gun, which he kept with him always, except when he came downstairs for dinner. The terrorists must have been watching his house carefully, because it was exactly this time that they chose to strike on May 2, 1987. Six or seven of them entered his house as he sat for dinner. They demanded his gun. The comrade refused it. “You are going to kill me any-way,” he said, “so kill me.” They killed him, and forced one of the remaining family members to fetch the gun and hand it over. Then they raised pro-Khalistan slogans, abused the dead comrade, and threatened that they would finish off the comrades one by one. Democratic rights activist assaulted Democratic rights activists, too, faced the Khalistanis’ attack. Harjeet Singh Alam, State Committee member of AFDR and a government employee, got admission in Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar for further studies. The hostel he stayed in is a meeting place for AISSF youths, and many terrorists had come in the past to talk to contacts there. Nevertheless, Alam used to openly put forward the AFDR understanding about terrorism, Bhindranwale and such ; topics.: He also joined the long march of a joint front of various,–Marxist-Leninist groups on March 7 and 8, in Gurdaspur district. On March 1, at 11 a.m., as he waited at a bus stand for a bus to Amritsar, an 8-year old boy called him, saying a DSP of police was I calling him. He walked to a light blue jeep, and stood unsuspectingly,,, with wan. his foot on the footrest. He saw two saffron turbaned men. Suddenly, before he knew it, he was pushed into the jeep, blindfolded,,i gagged, and driven for more than 2 hours. Finally they took him,;, to some small room in a field. They taunted him: “Do you want to meet Baldev Singh Mann’s killers? We can arrange a meeting.” Mani…, said, “I have nothing to do with that.”, “No, no,” they said, “we know you are are searching for them. We know what you are doing in:4 the hostel.” Later they took him out again and drove him about 10-15, minutes away, removed the blindfold, and threw him into a canal,,i 6-7 kilometers from Gurdaspur. Alam, who did not know how to swim, was sinking fast. An old man had seen the terrorists throwing him into the water, and rushed to his aid. If Alam had been in the water for just 2 or 3 more minutes, he would have gone into the main canal and drowned. Alam received a letter 25 days later: “You have been saved once; now death awaits you.”

State repression on democratic movement this is one side of the attack the democratic movement is facing today in Punjab, every step of the way. The other is State repression. Although various trade unions, peasant organisations, and student unions are battling the Khalistanis at the ground level, the State machinery, which claims to be fighting the Khalistanis,- actually binders these democratic forces. There are many examples of this policy.

In Amritsar district, the Kirti Kisan Union said they mobilised” farmers before Operation Bluestar in rallies of up to 20 to 30 thousand poor peasants to go to Chandigarh to demand exemption from payment of electricity bills. They had also been propagating against terrorism. Akalis had propagated that the KKU was fighting on petty issues. Badal claimed that if the Anandpur Sahib Resolution were implemented, every peasant would have a car. The KKU had to, counter such propaganda.

In the period after Operation Bluestar, Army rule came to the ‘ villages. Jagtar Singh, a KKU activist, was picked up the Army and tortured for possession of a (licensed) gun. The CPI (ML) cadre showed the Army officers their party organ to show them that their party fought against terrorism; but even so they did -not stop. Harjinder Singh, KKU secretary from Jagdev Kalan, was also tortured for arms possession; his jaw was broken. Another activist, Paramjit Singh Cheena, had to virtually flee the areas—such was the harassment his comrades were facing. Only after Baldev Singh Mann’s death have the CPI (ML) cadre been able to obtain gun , licenses. Moreover, various prohibitory orders, black laws, and bans were applied exclusively it democratic activity of trade unions and similar organisations, not to parties of the ruling classes or communal elements. For example, in the period before Bluestar, a large number of democratic organisations in Moga—ranging from the Rickshaw Union to student organisations, labour unions to the Bar Association, combined to organise a Joint Action Committee. They organised a , mass contact programme house to house to spread communal harmony and dispel fear. Yet the police placed many restrictions on their mass activity. Similarly, at Patiala, university Professors, lawyers, and doctors were prevented from taking out a peace march while a march by local Congress-I leaders was allowed. At Ludhiana, a trade unionist, Baljinder Singh, was arrested while pasting anti-Bhindran-wale posters.. The police also made efforts to stop the late Bibi Amax Kaur (the sister of Shaheed Bhagat Singh and a vociferous critic of i the Khalistanis) from addressing a meeting at Muktsar.  Recently. Prithipal Singh of Mani Megha, a member of CPI Amritsar district council and general secretary of the district all-India Youth Federation, was beaten by policemen of Khalra police station on a minor pretext. The Tarn Taran police have also recently beaten two CPI workers, Jatinder Panny and Professor Gurdeep Singh. Ranjit 7 Singh, a CPI worker of Chak Sikandar village, was recently beaten in ! custody by men of the 24th CRPF battallion at the behest of some Iknown criminal elements. . Police rule : . i Normal democratic activity is also automatically curbed by the very nature of police rule. Playwright Gursharan Singh narrated to us the story of his drama troupe, which actively propagates against – communal terror and State terror. They had performed a play at Mangowal village, near Bhagat Singh’s birthplace, Khatkar Kalan.’ They were travelling back via the Jalandhar route. Those manning the CRPF check post searched their bags. They found some costumes, including one of a Nihang. The troupe members explained, but no one listened. The police were about to take one of them away; I the rest demanded to be arrested along with him. The seven were taken to the police station, booked under Sec. 109, and presented I before the Magistrate. Meanwhile, one person brought two truck- I loads of villagers as witnesses on the troupe’s behalf; but of no avail. The police charged that the seven were found in a garden in Kapurtthala, drinking, at 11 p.m. ; actually they were arrested on a bus at 10.30 a.m. Finally, after spending Rs. 3,000, they were freed on bail wrote,” said Gursharan Singh, “to the Governor, to the police and so on; but in the process who knows what could have happened ‘s to them ? They might even have been eliminated as ‘extremists’ !” The November ‘riots’ which took place after Indira Gandhis’ assassination gave, more than any other single occurrence, a handle.1 to the communalists among Sikhs to claim that Sikhs were victims of Hindu tyranny. That they were unable to fully exploit” this opportunity is largely due to the efforts of several civil liberties organisations (PUDR-PUCL, CFD and the Citizen’s Commission) which thoroughly investigated the riots. There reports showed that it was not the Hindu community, but the State machinery, which was responsible for the massacre. By their very efforts these organisations I demonstrated that there were sane, secular forces in the rest of India who would fight such designs of the State. For precisely these reasons, AFDR translated the report into Punjabi, attaching an introduction explaining the genesis of the Punjab problem. The first edition of 5,000 copies sold out rapidly. The second edition carried an appendix describing how ordinary Hindus had saved their Sikh neighbours during the riots. But 7,000 copies of the second. edition were seized by the Superintendent of Police, Jalandhar February 1985, and charges were laid against AFDR and the printer. State Role:  In other words, democratic activity is being curbed not only by Khalistani terror but by State repression, too. However, the faced that, at the moment, the Khalistani fanatics are attacking the democratic movement with special vigour does not mean that the democratic forces can afford to relax the attention they have always in the past given to State repression.

There are several reasons for this. First, it is important to remember that the State had always in the past feared most the democratic movements of workers, peasants, student,; and employees of Punjab, and it had expended enormous energies in repressing these movements. As recently as in 1981, a statewide agitation, led largely by Marxist-Leninist groups, against a bus-fare hike survived similarly massive repression by a Congress Ministry, including firings on students at three places and harassment and torture of cadres of the student union, trade union organisations and youth organisations. Ultimately, the Congress government was humiliated and forced to revoke the fare hike. ‘In the present circumstance, however, partly since the democratic movement has to contend with the additional repression by the Khalistanis, the State does not have to face such powerful popular agitations as in the past. Secondly, the democratic movement will have to contend with and fight against all acts of repression by the State machinery on common people, because such acts of repression by the state machinery on common people are actually providing a significant ground for Khalistani propaganda. Other points of the Khalistani campaign—viz, efforts to force Sikhs into more orthodox social practices and efforts to create active enmities between Hindus and Sikhs—have not succeeded in a big way. This is why the Khalistanis harp on acts of police, CRPF, and Army repression, as here they can attract the anti-authoritarian sympathies of the people. Darshan Siogh Ragi manufactured his public image very largely by his campaign on the CRPF atrocities at Brahmpura village. If, by contrast, secular and democratic forces can wrest the initiative in exposing State repression, they can gave a proper shape to the people’s healthy hatred for the authoritarian acts of the State, Thirdly, the democratic movement cannot afford to forget that the powers assumed by the State on the excuse of fighting terrorists will survive the communal terrorist threat, and that these power may then be employed against genuine popular struggles. Darshan Singh, the dramatist, told the team: “My impression is that it is not Governor’s rule now but police rule. For the first time in India, a policeman (Ribeiro) has all the powers. My feeling is that he may achieve some success against the extremists, but in ultimate analysis this phenomenon is very dangerous. I think it is a great challenge to the democratic movement in India…. They are saying, we will not try the extremists—no judge, no wittiest, no prosecution Ribeiro , openly declares :that ‘encounters’ will be there, and he gets a 7 reputation of integrity…On May 11, Ribeiro was given the power of secretary of internal security. This means that, for the first time a policeman has been given all powers. The police are not answerable to civil authorities….. When innocents are killed, at Brahmpura or Dera Baba Nanak. there is no action taken. We the 7 democratic people are very perturbed: On the one hand, hardcore terrorists are killing innocents; on the other, people, in the gars of eliminating terrorists, are also committing atrocities …. Our worry is I also that if this practice is allowed in Punjab, it can have adverse effect on the democratic movement in other provinces. We must condemn terrorist killing and police or CRPF repression.”